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In a world increasingly governed by algorithms and AI, the ancient deity Moloch emerges as a haunting metaphor for our tech-driven sacrifices. Drawing parallels from historic rituals to present-day digital dynamics, ancient fears offer insight into today's most pressing existential challenges.
Australia's decision to partner with the US and the UK for the AUKUS pact has drawn scrutiny with questions looming about acquisition, construction and delivery of the nuclear-propelled submarines and a projected $368 billion outlay for up to eight vessels.
Unlike December 25, September 26 is a World Day that passes by in silence. It calls for the Elimination of all Nuclear Weapons. Nuclear power is too mysterious to understand, too horrific to dwell on, and too far away to take responsibility for. It and its destructive power are unthinkable. And yet it continues to press on us, most recently in the announcement that Australia will build nuclear-powered submarines.
It is heartening that the Nobel Peace Prize went to an Australian initiated group pressing for nuclear disarmament. It is disheartening, though unsurprising, that the Australian government did not celebrate its achievement. Down under, deterrence is dogma.
Since Richard Casey was External Affairs Minister in the 1950s, the three pillars of Australian foreign policy have been: a genuine reaching out to our Asian neighbours, adherence to UN-based multilateral values and institutions, and a firm but self-respecting defence partnership with the United States. All those pillars look pretty shaken now.
Four new studies on the health crisis in Fallujah have been released in the last three months. The studies suggest babies are dying of wounds from a war they never saw. Australia has already breached its admirable 'Australian Agenda' at the UN, succumbing to US pressure to abstain from a vote on depleted uranium weapons.
Given the leakiness of the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty, it is scarcely surprising that Australia is not concerned about the possibility of breaching it in selling uranium to India. If the world is serious about developing real safeguards against nuclear proliferation, the treaty needs to be replaced, not ignored.
The negotiation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone is the only non-proliferation initiative to have been accepted by all Middle East states, including Israel. Why has it taken 30 years? Because Egypt, Israel and Iran have competing reasons for promoting the idea.
Australia is committed to nuclear non-proliferation, and the 'Iran problem' offers a chance for the Government to demonstrate its commitment to its ally, the US. This is tricky as Rudd came to office on a wave of anti-war backlash against Australia's commitment to the Iraq war.
Continuing the work of the defunct Canberra Commission, Kevin Rudd's Nuclear Non-Proliferations and Disarmament Commission is re-inventing a wheel that never worked. Preventing freelance scientists from following their career wanderlust is the real challenge in any post-nuclear framework.
The most profound shock to Australian foreign policy was not 9/11 but our change of government in 1996. Under Rudd Labor, Australia's international agenda is once again becoming less about national security and more about being a good international citizen.
Most Australians no longer think about the nuclear threat. Yet the editors of The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists said in January 2007 that the minute hand of the 'Doomsday Clock' had moved from seven to five minutes to midnight. Australia has a vital role in the global survival strategy.