Advocates of democracy in Indonesia and across the globe breathed a sigh of relief when the Indonesian Constitutional Court ruled against presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's legal challenge of the country's April presidential election result. Prabowo's challenge was always expected to fail — his protestations of electoral fraud were based on little more than hot air. Nevertheless, Indonesians were set at ease by the return of the rightfully-elected candidate, Joko Widodo, for five more years.
Despite the turbulent political, social and religious events that have recently engulfed the nation, the Constitutional Court's ruling confirms that Indonesian democracy can move forward confidently; renewing the stability and effectiveness it has mostly delivered during its Reformasi period. In other words, alarm bells aren't ringing over the health of its democracy.
The appetite for electoral politics in Indonesia has continued. The turnout rate was 80.5 per cent in the 2019 elections. While this is lower than its first legislative election in 1999, which saw a 93 per cent turnout rate, these are numbers that established democracies like the United States and Britain could only dream of. Considering that Indonesia is a country composed of over 17,000 islands (of which 6000 are inhabited), a population of 264 million, and hundreds of languages and dialects, a high turnout rate is a colossal administrative and political task.
In terms of choice available to voters, there are countless parties competing for Indonesian votes. A handful of major parties have historically jostled for the office of president — Widodo's Indonesian Party of Struggle, Subianto's Gerindra, Golkar and the Democratic Party — while there is a surplus of political choice in legislative elections. These parties represent a range of political views, from social conservatism, pro-business centrism, nationalism, Islamic ideology, and beliefs based on Indonesia's state philosophy, Pancasila.
Though new and still developing, Indonesia's governmental institutions play an important role in securing the legitimacy of its elections and overseeing government action. The General Elections Commission has — for the most part — successfully administered ballots and counted electoral votes without fear or favour.
The Constitutional Court's special jurisdiction to determine the validity of elections, the registration and dissolution of political parties and undertake constitutional review of laws has tangibly strengthened Indonesian democracy and preserved public confidence in the system. The court also intervened in the 2014 presidential election, confirming Widodo's first election victory by dismissing Prabowo's unfounded claims of fraud, corruption and vote-counting errors.
Then there is the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Transparency International has described it as a 'vital pillar of [the] rule of law and anti-corruption in Indonesia', which has the support of 80 per cent of the Indonesian populace. The KPK's chief responsibilities are to investigate and prosecute public officials involved in corruption; also reserving the right to access documents, freeze financial transactions and detain persons of interest. The KPK has materially reduced the corruption that plagued the country during Suharto's reign, claiming a number of high-profile scalps since its establishment in 2003.
"Even with all these growing strengths, there are warning signs of potential fragility that must be addressed for Indonesia's democratic project to succeed long term."
It brought down the Speaker of the People's Representative Council (DPR-RI), Setya Novanto, for taking bribes; Akil Mochtar, a former chief justice of the Constitutional Court, for money laundering and bribes; and ex-sports minister Andi Mallarangeng for engaging in graft.
Yet, even with all these growing strengths, there are warning signs of potential fragility that must be addressed for Indonesia's democratic project to succeed long term. Prabowo's failure to accept the presidential election outcome precipitated violent demonstrations in Jakarta that killed eight people and injured hundreds. Though his backers have a history of public protest, the latest rallies represent an escalation of violence and creeping radicalism in the country's political and cultural life — largely motivated by greater and stricter adherence to conservative Islam. And while Prabowo has reluctantly accepted the court's ruling, he has stopped short of conceding defeat.
Previously, Prabowo's messiah-like complex has created cause for concern: to what lengths might he go to become president? He is widely expected to launch a campaign for the presidency in 2024, which Widodo cannot contest due to term limits.
But there are issues larger than just Prabowo. The jailing of the former governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama — a Christian of Chinese descent — on blasphemy charges for saying that Muslims are permitted to vote for non-Muslim political candidates became a national symbol for the growing radicalism in Indonesian politics. The case has unsettling implications for principles of freedom of speech, democratic representation and the foundations of Indonesia's multireligious state.
These religious developments have also resulted in a woman being jailed for requesting that the volume of the call to prayer be lowered. And Widodo's selection of Ma'ruf Amin as his running mate seems to be a reaction to this growing sentiment. Amin, who resigned from a role as the head of the largest Islamic organisation in the world to accept Widodo's offer, was presumably chosen to negate claims that Widodo isn't 'Islamic enough'.
Despite the best efforts of the KPK, government organisations and civil society, corruption levels remain endemic. Transparency International awarded Indonesia a score of 38 out of 100, stating that corruption infects all arms of government. Bribes, money laundering, nepotism and kickbacks are still common. Members of the DPR-RI are said to be the most corrupt, however, there are serious questions concerning the integrity and impartiality of judges across Indonesia.
Another deficiency in its democracy is its shutout of progressive, left-wing politics. The attempted communist coup of 1965 that helped bring Suharto to power still looms over its national politics. The Indonesian Communist Party is outlawed, and self-professed communists face hefty jail terms. Likewise, any individuals, organisations or parties that espouse left-of-centre politics are exposed to the accusation of being enemies of the state.
On balance, Indonesia's democratic systems are working well. Indonesian democracy has proven resilient to challenge and made inroads into combatting problems that have beset the country for decades. But a crossroads approaches. A failure to manage religious radicalism and intolerance, corruption, and other social tensions may imperil or destabilise this democratic epoch.
Nicholas Bugeja is an assistant editor for Independent Australia and an Arts/Law student at Monash University. He edited the Monash student magazine Lot's Wife in 2017 and has written on topics such as film, politics, comedy and theatre for a variety of publications. You can follow him on Twitter @BugejaNick.
Main image: Indonesian President Joko Widodo and his wife Iriana speak to journalists after casting his ballot at a polling station on 17 April 2019 in Jakarta. (Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/Getty Images)